| NEXT morning it was ' going in ' with a vengeance. We did not enter the same trenches where I had been a few days previously, but about a mile farther south. These trenches were our ' home ' for over three months, so let me try and describe how they were built and looked to us on that day of entry. In this part of the line, near the borders of Belgium, you cannot dig down, the
soil is so marshy, so the trenches are what is known as breastwork.
They are built up about six feet from the level of the ground, a solid wall of sand-bags, ten to twenty feet thick. This will stand the hit of all but the heaviest shells, but is an unmistakable target if the enemy
artillery have observation at all. The support and front line trenches were divided every two hundred yards,
by communication-trenches, built in the same way, except that the communication- trench had two sides. These communication-trenches were distinguished by such names as 'Pinney's Ave.,' ' V.C.
Ave., which latter was supposed to be built on the spot where Michael O'Leary won the
first Victoria Cross of the war. Others were called 'Bond Street,' ' Brompton Ave.,' and
'Mine Ave.'
Later on my brigade held the length of trench that included all these, from Mine Ave. to Bond Street, over one thousand yards; but for the battle and the first ten days we only held
about three hundred yards, using the three communication
trenches-Pinney's, Brompton, and V.C.
I had a good deal of apprehension as the brigade marched in, remembering the reception our
reconnoitering party had received. If ' Fritz ' had spotted a score of us he could not well avoid noticing a thousand, though we were broken into little parties of six, that moved along the gutter in single file. But he must have been asleep this day, for the ' change over' was completed with, little attention from him in the way of shells.
Leading up to ' Pinney's Ave.,' there was a short length of communication-trench very appropriately called ' Impertinence Sap,' for it was merely a ditch, three feet deep, floored with 'duck boards.' I could never get the reason why this trench was built. It only afforded protection for one's legs, which is the part of the body one would rather be hit in if one must be hit at all. The goose-flesh always crept around my head when I walked along this sap, for, strange to say, my head seemed to be the most valuable part of me, and at night the machine-gun bullets used to whistle through the low hedge that ran alongside it and frequently struck sparks from the flints on the old road just a yard or two away. I suppose I used that sap two hundred times, always with misgivings, for
I have seen more than a score of men punctured along its length.
All these parts were unhealthy. The Rue de Bois, the street that ran parallel to the
firing trench, about a thousand yards behind the front line was always under indirect machine-gun fire, yet was, nevertheless, used regularly every night by our transports. It was surprising how few mules were killed.
Many times have I skipped, as the bullets struck sparks around my feet.
After a while we got to know that ' Fritz' had a regular cut-and-dried system in the shelling of these trenches. He always took Mine Ave., Brompton Ave., and Pinney's Ave. alternately, and we later on saved a number of lives by having a
sentry at the entrance to these communication-trenches to give warning to use the other trench while this one was being shelled. Weeks later I worked out the enemy's bombardment system more thoroughly, and had such notices as this posted : ' Pinney's Ave. dangerous on Mondays, 2 to 6 P.m.,' ' V.C. unhealthy Tuesday afternoons,' and so on. I know I saved
my own life several times by watching ' Fritz's ' times and seasons. I am quite sure that each battery ' over yonder ' had a book that laid down a certain number of rounds to be fired at a certain range on Mondays, and so on for every day in the week.
And every relieving battery would take over this ' book of instructions.' Of course there were times when ' Fritz ' ' got the wind up' (lost his nerve), and then he would shell anything indiscriminately. The god of the German is Method, and his goddess,
'System", and it hurt his gunners sorely when we tried something new, and made him depart from
some long-predevised plan.
However, these were discoveries of a later date than the battle which wiped out about 70 per cent. of our strength.
We had not been two days in the trenches before we knew that we were destined for an attack on the trenches opposite, and we had not had time even to know the way about our own lines. Few of us had even had a glimpse of No Man's Land, or sight of the fellow across the street whom we were to fight.
Our guns immediately began to get busy. In fact, too busy for our liking, for they had not yet got the correct range. This was before the days of total aeroplane supremacy, and the battery commander in those days had not an observer flying above where his shells were falling, informing him of the slightest error.
Our company commanders gathered us in small groups and carefully explained the plan of attack. We were to take the three lines of German trenches that were clearly discernible on the aeroplane photograph which was shown us ; the first wave was to take the first trench, the second jumping over their heads, and attacking the second German line, the third wave going on to the third German line. When all the Germans had been killed in the first trench, those left of the first wave were to follow to the third line. Unfortunately this photograph misled us, as one of the supposed trenches proved to be a ditch, and a great number of men were lost by going too far into enemy territory, seeking the supposed third line.
I have seen an actual photograph taken by an aeroplane during this battle, that shows a fight going on five miles behind the German lines. Many of the boys had sworn not to be taken prisoners, and though they knew they were cut off, they fought on until every last one of them was killed.
The Germans were thoroughly aware of our intentions to attack. Bad weather made a postponement for a couple of days advisable, and there had been so much artillery preparation that the enemy had time to get ready for us.
Considering the short time that our own artillery bad been in their positions, and that they did not know a few days previously the range of the enemy's positions, their work was very thoroughly done. In most cases the wire had been well cut, and the enemy's front-line trenches were badly smashed about.
The Germans must have had some spies behind our lines, for they knew the actual moment of attack, and our feints failed to deceive them. Before the real attack the bombardment would cease for a moment or two, whistles being blown, orders shouted, and bayonets shown above the top of the parapet. The idea was that the Germans would then man their parapet to meet our attack, the artillery again opening fire on the trench. They failed to appear, however, until we actually went over the top, then the machine-guns and rifles swept a hail of bullets in our faces, like a veritable blizzard.
Nothing could exceed the bravery of those boys. The first wave went down like ' wheat before
the reaper.' When the time came for the second wave to go over there was not a man
standing of the first wave, yet not a lad faltered. Each gazed at his watch and on the arranged tick of the clock leaped over. In many cases they did not get any farther than the first wave. The last wave, though they knew each had to do the work of three, were in their places and started on their forlorn hope at the appointed moment.
This battle was a disaster. We failed to take the German trenches, but it was like two other failures, the defence of Belgium and the attack of the
Dardanelles - a failure so glorious as to fill a man with pride that he was enabled to play a part in it. In this battle we so smashed five divisions of Bavarian guards that it was months before they got back into the
trenches. Had they gone to Verdun at that time it might have meant its fall, as they were the flower of the German army.
In places both first and second German lines were taken, but in others we did not get across No Man's Land.
It was not that certain companies fought better than others, but here and there were unexpected obstacles. In one place No Man's Land was only fifty
yards across, while elsewhere it was three hundred yards. There was a creek running diagonally across in one section, too wide to leap, too deep to ford, and the only place where it was bridged was so marked by the German machine-guns that the
dead, were piled in heaps about it.
Those who actually reached the German trenches were too few to consolidate, and the German artillery soon began to take a heavy toll of them, knowing the range of their own trenches to a yard. So these had to come back again, and when night fell we were back in our old trenches -rather a few of us were ; most of our division lay out in No Man's Land.
All were not dead, but we had no men to hell) the wounded. We had no stretchers, and those that were alive, unwounded, were so fatigued as to be hardly able to stand upright. But we could not stand the thought of the fellows out there without help, and we crawled among them, taking the biscuits and water from the dead and giving them to the wounded. We could only reach a few of them, and we crawled back at daylight, cursing our impotence, and fearing what the day might bring to these our comrades, lying helpless in full view of the brutal enemy.
The sight of our trenches that next morning is burned into my brain. Here and there a man could stand upright, but in most places if you did not wish to be exposed to a sniper's bullet you had to progress on your bands and knees. If you had gathered the stock of a thousand butcher-shops, cut it into small pieces and strewn it about, it would give you a faint conception of the shambles those trenches were.
One did not ask the whereabouts of brother or chum. If we did not see him, then it were best to hope that he were of the dead.
It were folly to look over the parapet, for nearly every shell-hole contained a wounded man, and, poor fellow, he would wave to show his whereabouts ; and though we could not help him, it would attract the attention of the
Huns, who still had shells to spare - so that the wounded might not fight again.
I have found the Bavarian even worse than the Prussian, and this day, and the next, and again, did they sweep No Man's Land with machine-guns and shrapnel, so as to kill the wounded.
When darkness came the second night, we had organised parties of rescue, but we still had practically no stretchers, and the most of the men had to be carried in on our backs.
Not all were dead, for in some of the bodies life was breathing. Machine-guns were still playing on this spot, and after we had lost half of our rescuing party, we were forbidden to go there again, as live men were too scarce.
But the work of rescue did not cease. Two hundred men were carried in from a space less in area than an acre.
One lad, who looked about fifteen, called to me 'Don't leave me, sir.' I said, 'I will come back for you, sonny,' as I had a man on my back at the time. In that waste of dead one wounded man was like a gem in
sawdust - just as hard to find. Four trips I made before I found him, then it was as if I had found my own young brother. Both his legs were broken, and he was only a schoolboy, one of those overgrown lads who had
added a couple of years in declaring his age to get into the army. But the circumstances brought out his
youth. and he clung to me as though I were his father. Nothing I have ever done has given me the joy that the rescuing of that lad did, and I do not even know his name. He was the only one who did not say: 'Take the other fellow first.'
There were men who were forty-eight hours without food or drink, without having their
wounds dressed, knowing that the best they had to hope for was a bullet. That the chances were
they would die of starvation or exposure, and yet again and again would they refuse to be taken
until we should look to see if there was not some one alive in a neighbouring shell-hole. They
would tell us to ' look in the drain, or among those bushes over there.'. During the day they had
heard a groan. A groan, mind you, and there were men there with legs off, and arms hanging
by a skin, and men sightless, with half their face gone, with bowels exposed, and every kind of un-mentionable wounds, yet some one had groaned.
Why, some had gritted teeth on bayonets, others
had stuffed their tunics in their mouths, lest they
should groan. Some one had written of the' Australian soldier in the early part of the war, ' that
they never groan,' and these men who had read that would rather die than not live up to the
reputation that some newspaper correspondent had given them. '
I lay for half an hour with my arms around the neck of a boy within a few
yards of a German ' listening post,' while the man who was with me went back to try and find a stretcher. He told me he had neither mother nor friend, was
brought up in an orphanage, and that no one cared whether he lived or died. But our hearts rubbed as we lay there, and we vowed lifelong friendship. It does not take long to make a friend under those circumstances, but he died in my arms and I do not know his name.
There was another man who was anxious about his money-belt ; perhaps it contained something more valuable than money. I went back for it, stuffing it in my pocket, and then forgot all about it. When I thought of it again the belt was gone, and the owner had gone off to hospital. I do not know who he was, and maybe he thinks I have his belt still.
One of the most self-forgetful actions ever performed was by a sergeant. We found a man on the German barbed wire, who was so badly wounded that when we tried to pick him up, one by the shoulders and the other by the feet, it almost seemed that we would pull him apart. The blood was gushing from his mouth, where he had bitten through lips and tongue, so that he might not
jeopardize, by groaning, the chances of some other man who was less badly wounded than he. He begged us to put him out of his misery, but we were determined we would get him his chance, though we did not expect him to live.
But the sergeant threw himself down on the ground and made of his body a human sledge. Some others joined us, and we
put the wounded man ()n his back and dragged them thus across two hundred yards of No Man's Land,
through the broken barbed wire and shell torn ground, where every few inches there was a piece of
jagged -shell, and in and out of the shell holes. 'So anxious were, we to get to safety that we
did not notice the condition of the man underneath until we got into our trenches ; then it was hard to see which was the worst wounded of the two. The sergeant had his hands, face, and body torn to ribbons, and we had never guessed it, for never once did he ask us to ' go slow ' or 'wait a bit.' Such is the stuff that men are made of.
It sounds incredible, but we got a wounded man, still alive, eight days after the attack. It was reported to me that some one was heard calling from No Man's Land for a stretcher-bearer, but I suspected a German trap, for I did not think it possible that an), man could be out there alive when it was more than a week after the battle and there had been no men missing since. However, we had to make sure, and I took a man out with
me ; also a ball of string. We still heard the call, and as it came -from nearer the German trenches than ours we knew they must hear as well.
When we got near the shell-hole from which the sound came I told my companion to wait, while I crawled round to approach it from the German side. I took the end of the ball of string in my hand, so as to be able to signal back, and from a shell-hole just a few yards away I asked the
man who he was and to tell me the names of some of his officers. As he seemed to know the names of all the officers I crawled into the hole alongside him, though I was still suspicious, and signalled back to my companion to go and get a stretcher.
As soon as I had a good look at the poor fellow I knew he was one of ours. His hands and face were as black as a
Negro's, and all of him from the waist down was beneath the mud. He had not strength to move his hands, but his ' voice was a good deal too
strong,' for he started to talk to me in a shout : ' It's so good, matey, to see a real live man again. I've been talking to dead men for days. There was two men came up to speak to me who carried their heads tinder their arms ! '
I whispered to him to shut up, but he would only be quiet for a second or two, and soon the Germans knew that we were trying to rescue him, for the machine-gun bullets chipped the edge of the hole and showered us with dirt. In about half an hour my man returned with the stretcher, but we had to dig the poor fellow's limbs out, and only just managed to get into the next hole during a pause in the machine-gun bursts.
To cap all, our passenger broke into song, and we just dropped in time as the bullets pinged over us. These did not worry our friend on the stretcher nor did the bump hurt him, for he cheerfully shouted ' Down go my horses !'
we gagged him after that and got him safely in, but the poor fellow only lived a couple of days, for
blood poisoning had got too strong a hold of his frail body for medical skill to avail. His name I have forgotten, and the hospital records would only state : ' Private So-and-so received [a certain date] ; died [Such a date]. Cause of
death tetanus.' |